Apa maksud dari direct foul dan indirect foul

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indeed? Who can estimate the injury which the landed interest, themselves the legislators, have inflicted upon themselves by their short-sighted policy, in attempting to throw upon the capital employed in productive industry, and upon those who have no property but their labour, that main share of the national burden which the ancient law of the country wisely and justly assigned to land, as the condition on which it was held ? There can be no doubt that this transfer was made, for the Parliament of Charles II., which, on the 21st of November, 1660, by a majority of 151 to 149, released land from all the feudal obligations on which it was held, enacted at the same time, duties of Excise, expressly “ in recompense and satisfaction” for such obligations. In plainer terms, they repudiated their own debt, and cast it upon the people. Thus, the abolition of Excise duties, and the imposition of a tax of the same amount on land, would only be a replacing of the debt upon the shoulders which ought to bear it.

On the principle that Taxation is a payment made for a twofold purpose, viz., the protection of the subject in his person, and the protection of his property, it would seem that all persons should pay an equal, moderate sum for the first purpose, and that those who have property should pay, for its protection, an additional tax, in some proportion to the value of that property. Equality of amount, as to the first proposition, proceeds on the assumption that, since life and liberty are of equal value to all, there is no reason why the rich man should pay more for his protection than the poor man. It is further assumed, that such an arrangement would obviate the popular objection to a Poll Tax, as it might do, if the Personal Tax were very small, and consequently so very unproductive, as hardly to be worth the trouble, expense, and annoyance of its collection. But the author of that very excellent work, “ the People's Blue Book," proposes a

, Poll or Capitation Tax of £1 per head on every individual, male and female, above 14 years of age, and from this source he calculates on an annual revenue of £7,500,000. Supposing such a tax as this to be collectable, to the full amount stated, its imposition would violate the principle of equality of taxation, in proportion to means, since it would mulct the unskilled labourer earning 10 or 12s. a week, in the same sum as the skilled mechanic or artizan, earning twice, thrice, or even ten bimes as much. And, besides, the assumed equality in the value of life is imaginary only; for life is more valuable to the rich man, abundantly supplied with its necessaries, comforts, and luxuries, than it is to the poor man, who, though toiling from morn to night, may barely be able to keep body and soul together. It is not amongst the favoured of Fortune, that self-destruction is most prevalent.

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their returns were subject to public inspection. The Inland Revenue Commissioners, in their fourth annual report, just published, referring to such evasions, mention the case of a mercantile firm, which had been paying, " for many years," on profits which they returned as £6,500, whilst their real profits were about £32,000, on which sum they have been allowed to compound in lieu of penalties. Had the American plan been in use here, no such case would have occurred.

Any one of these schemes, or any scheme of Direct Taxation whatsoever, would be preferable to our present system; but, as we have already said, we are not wedded to any. What we seek, and that for the benefit of all classes, is absolute Freedom for Capital, Trade, and Industry; and any system of Direct Taxation that shall most speedily, and most effectually, attain that object will have our adhesion.

On all the grounds essential to a just and sound fiscal system, the superiority of the principle of Direct Taxation appears so evident to all who will take the trouble to consider it, and is, indeed, so generally admitted, in theory, that it is difficult to imagine any rational objection that can be urged to its practical application. In all respects it is conformable with the four canons of Taxation-in all respects Indirect Taxation sets them at defiance.

We believe that the opposition of the propertied classes, without whose concurrence the change proposed can hardly be effected by means much short of revolution, is based upon one great, and leading fallacy. They seem to imagine that, through Customs and Excise Duties, they themselves escape Taxation, at least to the amount of their produce, and thus throw the main burden upon the masses of the people, who live by weekly wages, without, as a general rule, acquiring any property. On the other hand, they suppose that by the abolition of Customs and Excise Duties, those classes would be relieved at their

expense,

and escape

Taxation altogether.

Nothing can be more erroneous than both these suppositions. Let us examine whether, under the existing system, the propertied classes do escape, at the expense of the classes who have no property but their labour, to the extent they imagine, or at all.

It is undeniable that a very large proportion of the 44 millions,

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form of either Rent or Profits, or both, and, as such, go into the pockets of the landowner and capitalist.

The effect of the present system, therefore, is to arrest the amount now taken from Wages, in its otherwise natural progress of transition to Rent or Profits. Eventually, the propertied classes lose the benefit of the amount thus arrested, just as surely as if they themselves paid it, although the first incidence of the duties be upon wages.

This transition of Wages into Property of some kind, would be inevitable under Direct Taxation, for the strong and irresistible feeling in the heart of every man, is a longing desire to have

a bit of land,” and even a dwelling upon it, which he can call his own. Hence the capitalist, as owner either of real or personal property, would receive, in its increased value, from increased demand, ample compensation for a direct tax imposed in lieu of Customs and Excise Duties, which prevent such increase. If he object that this would be a simple transfer, involving an advance from him, on a contingency which might not happen, let him reflect on the benefit already derived by Property, from such progress as has already been made in this direction. There can be no doubt, that if Labour were relieved to the extent of the 247 millions of Indirect Taxes, which is all, according to the Edinburgh Review, that it now contributes, the impetus and opportunity thus afforded for the profitable employment of Capital and Labour, would soon occasion an increase in the present value of Property, far exceeding the amount of duties abolished.

The enormous increase in the wealth of the country, since the repeal and reduction of so many Custom-House and Excise restrictions on the re-productive employment of capital and labour, should remove all doubt or hesitation as to the policy of sweeping away the rest of these bars and obstacles to still greater progress in individual and national prosperity.

If the effect of Indirect Taxation be to absorb a large amount of capital unprofitably, to drive it into dangerous channels, and to misdirect the employment of much labour, as it unquestionably is, its obvious and inevitable tendency must be to keep down rent and profits, and to depreciate the value of land, houses, and

property of every description. The idea that, because Indirect Taxation, through Customs and Excise duties, falls chiefly on wages, in the first instance, the propertied classes are therefore benefited, by exemption, to the same extent is, consequently, a manifest delusion, most injurious to those who imagine that they profit by the system, since, whatever attempts may be made to evade the process, the wealth of the country must ultimately bear the loss occasioned by the unprofitable employment and misdirection of its capital and labour.

We see one of the results of this system, and a grave one, in the chronic complaint that there is, in this country, no profitable field of employment for the large yearly accumulations of capital, of which there is, from this cause, a periodical overflow into foreign speculations and undertakings, often of the most visionary description. In this way hundreds of millions have been irrecoverably lost. And yet we have, here at home, an unbounded field of employment, sufficient to call all our emigrants back again, or, at least, to prevent all further loss of the bone, sinew, and strength of the country, if we were only wise enough to remove the fiscal gates, bolts, bars, and locks, which prevent its occupation. The propertied class have thus a strong personal

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